I don’t think our positions are all that different, just we’re operating on different levels of understanding. In the beginning of my post, I mentioned there is a difference between popular history and academic history. Popular history is content to get the events in proper chronological sequence and establish their relative importance. Academic history tries (and doesn’t always succeed) to understand the reason why the events occurred and caused their importance.
As I stated, I’m no expert nor do I care to become one on the fundamental causes of the Civil War. The U.S. Civil War was an ugly war for an ugly reason, more so than most. But having been trained long ago as a military historian, I tend to focus on causes rather than events.
My primary reference about the nature of American slavery is Kenneth M. Stamp’s “The Peculiar Institution.”
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenneth_M._Stampphttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Peculiar_InstitutionNow I must admit is been a very long time ago that I read this book from cover to cover for a college post grad history class — so long ago that 440 page academic paperback only cost me $1.95. (I took the course a little over 50 years ago <sigh - where has the time gone!!!>). But reviewing the parts I remembered and used in my original posting, I have remembered quite well to my own surprise.
Nearly three-fourths of all free Southerners had no connection with slavery through either family ties or direct ownership. The “typical” Southerner was not only a small farmer but also a nonslaveholder. (Sic)
Page 30.
But that statement is in general and does not apply to all parts of the South. So depending on location, your knowledge may be more correct.
Regarding “Cases belli” I may have a bit too generous in viewing “The Peculiar Institution” as, “an event or action that justifies or allegedly justifies war or conflict.” (Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary — the book kind). So perhaps we are both viewing the institution of slavery as the cause for the U.S. Civil War.
The biggest difference in our view points is that I am looking at slavery as part of an economic system. Why did people in the South have slaves? To gain access to their labor, as Mr. Stampp stated in his book:
The use of slaves in southern agriculture was a deliberate choice (among several alternatives) made by men who sought greater returns than they could obtain from their own labor alone, and who found other types of labor more expensive. “For what purpose does the master hold the servant?” Asked an ante-bellum Southerner. “Is it not that by his labor he, the master, may accumulate wealth?”
Page 5
So to honor an old saw, “Follow the money” allows a greater understanding of the political machinations and the reason that those living south of the Mason-Dixon Line preferred a less powerful central government to interfere with their economic activity. But again, this economic activity was limited to those who were better off than most of their contemporaries. According to Mr. Stampp, depending on location and when the price was quoted, farm quality slaves would cost in the 1850’s between $1000 and $2000. A blacksmith slave was listed at $2500. A good quality farm horse during the same period was valued at $75 to $200, one tenth as much. A “typical” yeoman family farmer couldn’t afford a slave workforce for his farm. An interesting question I have no answer for is why did so many yeoman farmers and tradesmen sign up to defend an economic system dependent on slavery?
So going back to the original question, “Was Robert E. Lee a traitor?” By the original shape of the Constitution, the southern states had negotiated a more powerful regional government (State) over the central Federal government. The Northern states had agreed to this by ratifying the Constitution. The Northern states chipped away at this agreement incrementally by case law rather than a Constitutional Amendment. When the collective group of Southerners decided that through a series of complex events that they could no longer participate in the Union they followed an example of 75 years before when 13 colonies of the English Crown decide they couldn’t follow the King any longer and rebelled. Robert E. Lee was a law abiding citizen of the U.S. and opposed the rebellion despite his disagreement with strong Federal Government over the state governement. Yet as events progressed, he felt that the lack of responsiveness of the Federal Government justified “Civil Disobedience” and eventually violence. In democracy, having a dissenting opinion is not treason but taking up arms against one’s lawful government is. Had the South managed to by force of arms to make the North to accept their succession which was the Southern goal, our modern view of the events 1860’s would be markedly different. As an example, had King George of England successfully squashed the American Revolution, we would be learning how George Washington, Francis Marion (Swamp Fox), and Marquis de Lafayette were hung for treason and Benedict Arnold was a hero for his loyalty to the King.
So the question is, and very timely for today's events, when does dissent become rebellion, what test do we apply to distinguish between a dissenting patriot and an unlawful rebel? What test determines that a government has become oppressive and requires replacement?